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Magic Balloons. Eliran Haganan Gardener. Post ad. Lost password? Login trouble? Professional Plumber with Decades of Experience Jerusalem. Magic Balloons Jerusalem Area. Eliran Haganan Gardener Jerusalem. Freier encountered anti-Semitism in her youth, both in public and in school, where she was mocked for refusing to write on the Sabbath. She was drawn to the idea of Zionism through the writings of Ber Borochov, the ideologue of socialist Zionism, which presented Zionism as a force that would radically alter the conditions of the Jewish people. She came to believe that a Jewish return to the soil and the establishment of agricultural colonies in Palestine would enable the Jewish people to live normal lives.

She studied languages in university and by the early s her primary professional focus was the study of Jewish folklore; she initiated a correspondence with the scholar Martin Buber and often lectured on the subject.

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People who knew her at that time, and even those who met her in later years, generally concur in their assessment of Freier as a woman of vision, a dreamer less concerned with mundane practical day-to-day matters and focused more on a utopian ideal. The idea for youth emigration occurred to her after working-class Jewish boys who had recently found themselves among the unemployed—for no other reason, they claimed, than that they were Jews—approached her in early Ludwig Tietz, founder of an organization aimed at uniting young German Jews of all ideological orientations, was primarily concerned with degeneracy and demoralization as outgrowths of unemployment.

In Tietz proposed a three-step program for Jewish communities: establishing unemployment centers to provide a structured substitute for the 24 Chapter 1 social activity that had disappeared along with the workplace and to relieve tension in the home, offering training courses and substitute work, and promoting efforts to create jobs for those most desperate.

Moreover, Weimar Jewry was highly fragmented on many levels. Social work, of which youth welfare was an essential aspect, was one of the few realms in which the opposing factions often put aside political and ideological differences in order to collaborate. This relocation would serve both the material and spiritual needs of these teenagers and assist the Jewish people in its task of rebuilding its home in Palestine. This idea represented a major innovation in the approach to German Jewish social work and in the management of immigration to Palestine.

This stipulation effectively made it impossible for younger Jews to take advantage of settlement opportunities in Palestine that might allow them to escape the economic despair confronting them in Europe. Unwilling to accept the prevailing attitude that the crisis confronting —The Decisive Year 25 Jewish youth would be solved with an improved economy and the complacent posture that implied, Freier took steps toward realizing her vision of mass youth emigration.

Sereni, an Italian Jew by birth, was at that time a member of the kibbutz Givat Brenner, many of whose founding members were German pioneers who had come to Palestine in Sereni and others promoted active hachsharah and urban training facilities as well as frequent communication with political movements in Palestine. Sereni aggressively advocated large-scale immigration of young Jews to Palestine as a feasible solution to the challenges facing them in Germany.

First of all, the children who would actually undertake the journey, as well as their parents, had to be willing to participate. Funds would have to be raised, implying assistance from Zionist organizations in Germany.

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She could not take support even from German Zionists for granted. Despite the rhetoric of a personal commitment to aliyah immigration to Palestine , most self-professed Zionists in Germany were in reality unwilling to commit themselves to mass Jewish emigration. Zionism, as it had developed in Germany, did not demand emigration, despite the rhetoric. If true for Zionists, this attitude was even more intense among the majority non-Zionists, who viewed Jewish history on German soil as an example of increasing acceptance and integration within the larger society. One mother, for example, requested that her son be admitted to a correctional educational institution in order to cure him of his abnormal desire to become a farmer and settle in Palestine.

In a society where youth culture in general rejected the ideals of the preceding generation, this scenario was not uncommon. Religious considerations frequently led parents to oppose Zionism in toto, and even more so the perceived atheistic socialist Zionism of kibbutzim. Freier correctly recalled that her scheme was initially received unenthusiastically. Stern contradicted Freier and noted the strong support from Zionist leaders in Germany as soon as it became apparent that responsible people in Jerusalem would direct the needs and education of the children in Palestine.

Freier noted that the students responded eagerly to her proposal, with parents and children showing up at her apartment in the days following her presentation inquiring where one should go to sign up. Both during the economic crisis and before, one goal of the Jewish youth movements in Germany, of all ideological backgrounds, had been Berufsumschichtung, occupational retraining, in order to restructure a Jewish community that was overwhelmingly engaged in the commercial sector. Among organized Jewish youth, manual labor was seen not merely as an alternative to limited white-collar employment opportunities but rather as a value in its own right.

Because of the political instability in Germany, the Zionist youth group Kadimah, for example, chose to hold its summer camp in Czechoslovakia. These organizations maintained that Palestine offered a viable solution to the crisis confronting youth.

Freier learned in the spring of that the agricultural settlements Ein-Harod, Geva, Degania, and Nahalal were interested in absorbing Jewish youth from Germany, and the monthly cost of maintaining the children would be approximately seventeen dollars per person. She solicited support from charitable funds and wealthy Jews in Germany and neighboring countries.

Without agency support there seemed little chance of arranging to send pioneer youth below the age of eighteen. Thus pioneers from Poland were considered worthier either because Jewish oppression there was more severe or the individual emigrants comprised better raw material.

Nevertheless, Freier did not despair. She maintained that the successful transfer of one group of young German Jews to a kibbutz would establish the basis for a mass movement. Though an ardent Zionist and former member of the youth group Kadimah, at the beginning of Reinhold lived in Vienna, studying at university, presumably destined for a middle-class professional career back in Germany. In early the new political leadership in Germany ushered in unprecedented changes, bringing great anxiety and uncertainty to German Jewry. In order to realize this program, Youth Aliyah set out to accomplish three main tasks: promoting interest in the program among thousands of young German Jews; working to gain the support of Zionist and communal institutions and leaders in Germany; and initiating fund-raising efforts in Germany and abroad to support the project.

Freier was elected president and Adam Simonson of Brith Haolim was elected secretary. With the future of Jewish institutions in Germany undetermined, the founders deliberately chose to avoid assigning any ideological labels to the new corporation, lest they be shut down before they could even begin their work. Jewish organizations in Germany shared an anxiety regarding how they would be treated in the new order, and each group initially maintained that its particular ideological outlook was best suited to confront the new political reality.

According to this theory Nazis and Zionists shared the view that Jews were really a separate nation living as foreigners in Germany. In accordance with the practice of Hechaluz, which prepared older candidates for immigration to Palestine, the youth groups used the principle of selection. Even before pioneers arrived in Palestine, this program hoped to promote a collective activist attitude in contrast to the perceived traditional passive approach of diaspora Jewry. Yet the initial plans immediately confronted obstacles from Nazi authorities.

Prior to the s most young German Jews, even if aware of their Jewish roots and consciously identifying with them, were optimistic regarding ultimate integration into the general population. I felt very much at home with my friends. My parents were assimilated Jews and we were not taught anything about Judaism.

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I felt no need of such knowledge because we were the only Jewish family in that part of the country. There were very few occasions in my childhood when I had reason to feel that I was different from the other boys. Father told me then that we were Jews. Always remember that you are a Jew!

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You have always lived here. I did not like their way of talking nor their manners. I much preferred my friends at home. When Hitler came to power, I began to take an interest in politics. I had many talks with a Catholic friend who was an active Storm Trooper. On June 30 I went home to visit my parents. That night ten S. He was sent to a concentration camp. When my brother-in-law visited us, I told him that though I loved Germany dearly, I had begun to feel like an alien. Then he told me that he had returned from Eretz Israel only a few weeks previously, and described what the Jews were doing there. I too wanted equality, freedom, and a share in building up a Jewish country.

He told me about the Youth Aliyah to Palestine.

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  • A few days later I went back to Berlin with him. Nine months later Ludwig received notice to report to hachsharah—six months later he was in Palestine. The increase in Zionist activity was paralleled in the adult Jewish population as well. By late the ZVfD counted 22, members compared to only 10, three years earlier. The growth is even greater when the emigration of about 7, long-standing Zionists is factored in.

    Zionism, it was claimed, offered the Jews the only real escape from the economic hopelessness that prevailed in Germany. Financial prospects could draw Jews out of the very dire spiritual and material straits of diaspora life and help construct a strong Jewish community in Palestine. Yet the outlook of German Zionists was certainly not monolithic.

    Many were not yet willing to concede that the Jewish people could no longer contribute to German society. As a young socialist whose allegiance lay with the proletariat rather than any religious or national entity, Eliyahu originally had no ties to Zionism, and in fact disparaged the idea because of its avowed nationalist character.

    The changing political climate, particularly the suppression of leftist politics, compelled Eliyahu to consider emigration. After the Nazis came to power, of the forty students from his class the school having been renamed the Kaiser Friedrich Realgymnasium only nine remained. Avraham, for example, claimed that the drive to immigrate to Eretz Israel stirred within him from the age of nine, when he joined Kadimah in Leipzig.

    At fourteen he left school and, in a chance meeting with a friend, heard about a program to bring young Jews to Palestine. He was excited by the idea and wrote to Freier, begging to join the group. Some months later he received an invitation to attend the preparatory camp at Gut Winkel near Berlin. We want to talk! This initial decree was soon followed by others that increasingly restricted Jews engaged in the free professions, notably lawyers, doctors, teachers, and professors.

    The boycott reinforced efforts by German Jews to create the institutional framework for organized emigration as well as general economic assistance.

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